'Joint first minister' rebrand among number of proposals aimed at restoring Stormont executive

The then first and deputy first ministers in September 2021 - Paul Givan and Michelle O'Neill. Pic: Jonathan Porter/PressEyeThe then first and deputy first ministers in September 2021 - Paul Givan and Michelle O'Neill. Pic: Jonathan Porter/PressEye
The then first and deputy first ministers in September 2021 - Paul Givan and Michelle O'Neill. Pic: Jonathan Porter/PressEye
​A rebranding of the first and deputy first minister titles, and opening those posts to all of the parties, are among a number of proposals aimed at restoring the power-sharing executive at Stormont.

The recommendations are contained in a new report published today by the NI Affairs Committee at Westminster.

The report also calls for the UK Government to urgently reform the Assembly speaker election rules so that a candidate can be elected by a two-thirds supermajority of MLAs, and that the same method should be used to elect first and deputy first ministers.

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The report adds that, in recognition of their equal status, the roles should be rebranded as “joint first ministers” with the position open to any two MLAs of any two parties rather than just the largest parties.

Committee chairman Sir Robert Buckland said that when Stormont collapses, public services are “cast adrift,” and added: “More stringent safeguards are needed to protect against the cycle of restoration and collapse that has dogged Stormont.”

However, DUP MP Carla Lockhart said: “Entering a discussion about key protections and safeguards as if they are the problem is deeply inappropriate, unwise and the last thing Northern Ireland needs now”.

As part of a raft of proposals which the committee said would assist in restoring and stabilising the powersharing institutions, it also recommended rebranding the first minister roles and making them open to politicians from beyond the largest unionist and nationalist parties.

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The DUP has been blocking powersharing at Stormont for more than a year and a half in protest at the internal UK trade barriers created by Brexit’s Northern Ireland Protocol.

The party has been involved in negotiations with the Government about the Windsor Framework, which reformed the protocol, and is seeking further assurances, by way of legislation, over Northern Ireland’s place in the UK internal market.

Senior civil servants have been left in charge of devolved departments and the Northern Ireland Secretary Chris Heaton-Harris had to intervene to set a budget.

During the lengthy suspension, the DUP has blocked several attempts to elect a Speaker, which is required before ministers can be nominated to form an executive.

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The Westminster committee has been carrying out an investigation into the effectiveness of the institutions of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement; the historic peace deal which created the Stormont Assembly.

Within current rules, votes from a majority of MLAs within both the nationalist and unionist traditions are needed to secure the posts of speaker, and first and deputy first ministers.

During its evidence, the committee heard that with the growth of the proportion of Northern Ireland society identifying as neither unionist nor nationalist since the agreement, “supermajority” voting would “effectively equate to cross-community consent”.

Among the measures it recommends in its report are calls for the UK Government to urgently reform the Assembly speaker election rules so that a candidate can be elected by a two-thirds supermajority of MLAs.

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It recommends the same method should be used to elect first and deputy first ministers.

The report adds that, in recognition of their equal status, the roles should be rebranded as “joint first ministers” with the position open to any two MLAs of any two parties rather than just the largest parties.

Under current rules, Sinn Fein’s Stormont leader Michelle O’Neill is entitled to claim the position of first minister as her party emerged with the largest number of MLAs following last year’s Assembly elections.

The committee said the changes would require consultation with the Irish Government as co-guarantors to the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, as well as the parties of Northern Ireland.

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It said that the 1998 Northern Ireland Act that came from the agreement, which enshrines power-sharing government and devolution in Northern Ireland, would also need to be changed.

Committee chairman Sir Robert Buckland said: “When Stormont collapses critical public services are cast adrift.

“Health, education, policing; all are feeling the strain while important decisions go unmade, and the people of Northern Ireland suffer."

He added: “The short-term measures we’ve proposed will shore up the stability of Stormont increasing the incentives to keep the institutions moving and enabling the Assembly to run without an executive in place.”

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“In the longer run, we feel that a full independent review into the effectiveness of the institutions of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement should be conducted with input from all stakeholders.

“This should include the North-South and East-West elements, but a fully functioning Stormont is the foundation on which the rest stands.”

SDLP MP Claire Hanna said the report supports proposals made by the SDLP to “put an end to stop-start government that has let people down so badly over the last decade”.

She said: “There’s no one looking at the democratic institutions at Stormont with any degree of love or even confidence right now.

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"What we’ve seen over the last few years is that people are genuinely grateful for, and proud of, the huge effort that secured peace 25 years ago but they’re also really sick of the way that the rules of government have been abused to score political points or settle scores.

"The peace process was the art of the possible, the politics that followed seems to be forever stuck in the impossible.”

Ms Hanna said the proposals are “aimed at protecting the principles of partnership and compromise while unlocking the politics of division and deadlock that have paralysed government and public services at the whim of any single party".

The Stormont powersharing institutions have been collapsed on several occasions previous to the current political impasse, including by Sinn Fein in 2017 in protest at the DUP handling of a green energy scheme.

On that occasion the institutions remained dormant for three years.